©Copyright United Nations Development Program
HUMAN
DEVELOPMENT REPORT 2009
Overcoming
barriers: Human mobility and development
- Cover
- Foreword, Acknowledgments and Contents
Migration not infrequently gets a
bad press. Negative stereotypes portraying migrants as ‘stealing our
jobs’ or ‘scrounging off the taxpayer’ abound in sections of the media
and public opinion, especially in times of recession. For others, the
word ‘migrant’ may evoke images of people at their most vulnerable.
This year’s Human Development Report, Overcoming Barriers: Human
Mobility and Development, challenges such stereotypes. It seeks to
broaden and rebalance perceptions of migration to reflect a more
complex and highly variable reality.
This report breaks new ground in applying a human development approach
to the study of migration. It discusses who migrants are, where they
come from and go to, and why they move. It looks at the multiple
impacts of migration for all who are affected by it...
- Overview - Overcoming barriers: Human mobility and development
When people move they embark on a
journey of hope and uncertainty whether within or across international
borders. Most people move in search of better opportunities, hoping to
combine their own talents with resources in the destination country so
as to benefit themselves and their immediate
family, who often accompany or follow them. If they succeed, their
initiative and efforts can also benefit those left behind and the
society in which they make their new home. But not all do succeed.
Migrants who leave friends and family may face loneliness, may feel
unwelcome among people who fear or resent newcomers, may lose their
jobs or fall ill and thus be unable to access the support services they
need in order to prosper.
The 2009 HDR explores how better policies
towards human mobility can enhance human development. It lays out the
case for governments to reduce restrictions on movement
within and across their borders, so as to expand human choices and
freedoms. It argues for practical measures that can improve prospects
on arrival, which in turn will have large benefits both for destination
communities and for places of origin.
- Chapter 1 - Freedom and movement: how mobility can foster
human development
The world distribution of
opportunities is extremely unequal. This inequality is a key driver of
human movement and thus implies that movement has a huge potential for
improving human development. Yet movement is not a pure expression of
choice—people often move under constraints that can be severe, while
the gains they reap from moving are very unequally distributed. Our
vision of development as promoting people’s freedom to lead the lives
they choose recognizes mobility as an essential component of that
freedom. However, movement involves trade-offs for both movers and
stayers, and the understanding and analysis of those trade-offs is key
to formulating
appropriate policies.
Every year, more than 5 million people cross international borders to
go and live in a developed country. The number of people who move to a
developing nation or within their country is much greater, although
precise estimates are hard to come by. Even larger numbers of people in
both destination and source places are affected by the movement of
others through flows of money, knowledge and ideas.
- Chapter 2 - People in motion: who moves where, when and why
The aim of this chapter is to
characterize human movement generally—
to give an overview of who moves, how, why, where and when. The picture
is complex and our broad brushstrokes will inevitably fail to capture
specifics. Nevertheless, the similarities and commonalities that emerge
are striking, and help us understand the forces that shape and
constrain migration
This chapter examines human movement across the world and over time.
The patterns are consistent with the idea that people move to seek
better opportunities, but also that their movement is strongly
constrained by barriers—most importantly, by policies at home and at
destination and by lack of resources. Overall, the share of people
going to developed countries has increased markedly during the past 50
years, a trend associated with growing gaps in opportunities. Although
these flows of people are likely to slow temporarily during the current
economic crisis, underlying structural trends will persist once growth
resumes and are likely to generate increased pressures for movement in
the coming decades.
- Chapter 3 - How movers fare
People are motivated to move by
the prospects of improved access to work, education, civil and
political rights, security and health care. The majority of movers end
up better off—sometimes much better off—than before they moved. The
gains are potentially highest
for people who move from poor to the wealthiest countries, but this
type of movement is only a small share of total flows. Available
evidence suggests that people who move to emerging and developing
countries, as well as within countries, also tend to gain.
However, movement does not necessarily yield a direct positive impact
on the well-being of everyone. Moving is risky, with uncertain outcomes
and with the specific impacts determined by a host of contextual
factors. For both internal
and international mobility, different aspects
of the process—including the proximate causes of moving and the
resources and capabilities
that people start out with—profoundly affect outcomes. Those who are
forced to flee and leave behind their homes and belongings often go
into the process with limited freedom and very few resources. Likewise,
those who are moving in the face of local economic crisis, drought or
other causes of desperate poverty, may not know what capabilities they
will have; they only know that they cannot remain. Even migrants who
end up well off after a move often start out with very restricted
capabilities and high uncertainty.
- Chapter 4 - Impacts at origin and destination
Movement has multiple impacts on
other people besides those who move—impacts that critically shape its
overall effects. This chapter explores impacts in the country of origin
and in the host country while underlining their interconnectedness.
Families with members who have moved elsewhere in the country or abroad
tend to experience direct gains, but there can also be broader
benefits, alongside concerns that people’s departure is a loss to
origin communities. As regards impacts on places of destination, people
often believe that these are negative—because they fear that newcomers
take jobs, burden public services, create social tensions and even
increase criminality. The evidence suggests that these popular concerns
are exaggerated and often unfounded. Still, perceptions matter—and t
hese warrant careful investigation to help frame the discussion of
policy.
Among people who do not move but can be affected by movement are the
families of movers and communities at places of origin and destination.
The multiple impacts of movement in these different
places are critical in shaping the overall human development effects of
movement; this chapter addresses each in turn.
- Chapter 5 - Policies to enhance human development outcomes
This final chapter proposes
reforms that will allow mobility to contribute to a fuller enhancement
of people’s freedoms. At present, many people who move have at best
only precarious rights and face uncertain futures. The policy mismatch
between restrictive entry and high labour demand for low-skilled
workers needs to be addressed. We propose a core package of reforms
that will improve outcomes for individual movers and their families,
their origin communities and host places. The design, timing and
acceptability of reforms depend on a realistic appraisal of economic
and social conditions and a recognition of public opinion and political
constraints.
The foregoing analysis has shown that large gains to human development
would flow from improved policies towards movers. These would benefit
all groups affected by migration. A bold vision is needed to realize
these gains—a vision that embraces reform because
of its potential pay-offs, while recognizing the underlying challenges
and constraints.
We have also shown that the entry policies that have prevailed in many
destination countries
over recent decades can be largely characterized
by denial and delay on the one hand, and heightened border controls and
illegal stays on the other. This has worsened the situation of people
lacking legal status and, especially during
the recession, has created uncertainty and frustration among the wider
population.
- Notes, Bibliographical notes, Bibliography
- Background research for the HDR 2009
- Human Development Indicators - Statistical Annex
A
Human movement: snapshots and trends
B International emigrants by area of residence
C Education and employment of international migrants in OECD countries
(aged 15 years and above)
D Conflict and insecurity-induced movement
E International financial flows: remittances, official development
assistance and foreign direct investment
F Selected conventions related to human rights and migration
(by year of ratification)
G Human development index trends
H Human development index 2007 and its components
I1 Human and income poverty
I2 Human and income poverty: OECD countries
J Gender-related development index and its components
K Gender empowerment measure and its components
L Demographic trends
M Economy and inequality
N Health and education
- Readers' guide
The human development indicators
provide an
assessment of country achievements in different
areas of human development. Where possible the
tables include data for 192 UN member states
along with Hong Kong Special Administrative
Region of China, and the Occupied Palestinian
Territories.
In the tables, countries and areas are ranked by
their human development index (HDI) value. To
locate a country in the tables, refer to the Key to
countries on the inside back cover of the Report,
where countries with their HDI ranks are listed
alphabetically. Most of the data in the tables are
for 2007 and are those available to the Human
Development Report Office (HDRO) as of 10
June 2009, unless otherwise specified.
This year the Statistical Annex begins with
a series of tables A–F related to the main theme
of the report—migration. They are followed by
tables G–K on the human development composite
indices: the HDI and its trends; the Human
Poverty Index (HPI), the Gender-related
Development Index (GDI) and the Gender
Empowerment Measure (GEM). Finally there
are three tables (L–N) on demographic trends,
the economy and inequality, and education and
health. Additional selected human development
indicators—including time series data and regional
aggregates—will be available at http://
hdr.undp.org/en/statistics.
All of the indicators published in the tables
are available electronically and free of charge in
several formats: individually, in pre-defined tables
or via a query tool that allows users to design
their own tables. Interactive media, including
maps of all the human development indices and
many of the migration-related data and selected
animations, are also provided. There are also
more descriptive materials such as country factsheets,
as well as further technical details on how
to calculate the indices. All of these materials are
available in three languages: English (at http://
hdr.undp.org/en/statistics), French (at http://hdr.
undp.org/fr/statistiques) and Spanish (http://hdr.
undp.org/es/estadisticas).
Technical note
Definition of statistical terms and indicators
Country classification
- Errata
1- Table L: Demographic trends and
2- Box 3.1: China: Policies and outcomes associated with internal
migration
- HDR 2009 Statistical Tables - Excel format
A: Human movement: snapshots and
trends
B: International emigrants by area of residence
C: Education and employment of international migrants in OECD countries
(aged 15 years and above)
D: Conflict and insecurity induced movement
E: International financial flows: remittances, official development
assistance and foreign direct investment
F: Selected human rights and migration related conventions (by year of
ratification)
G: Human development index trends
H: Human development index 2007 and its components
I-1: Human and income poverty
I-2: Human and income poverty: OECD countries
J: Gender-related development index and its components
K: Gender empowerment measure and its components
L: Demographic trends
M: Economy and inequality
N: Health and education
Language editions
English | French | Spanish | Arabic | Chinese | Russian | Portuguese
|
Human
Development Research Papers: Topical background research for the HDR
The Human Development Research Paper (HDRP) Series is a
medium for sharing recent
research commissioned to inform the global Human Development Report,
which is published
annually, and further research in the field of human development. The
HDRP Series is a quickdisseminating,
informal publication whose titles could subsequently be revised for
publication as
articles in professional journals or chapters in books. The authors
include leading academics and
practitioners from around the world, as well as UNDP researchers. The
findings, interpretations
and conclusions are strictly those of the authors and do not
necessarily represent the views of
UNDP or United Nations Member States. Moreover, the data may not be
consistent with that
presented in Human Development Reports.
- de
Haas, Hein, Mobility and Human Development
This paper argues that mobility
and migration have always been an intrinsic part of human
development. Migration can be considered as a fundamental
capabilities-enhancing freedom
itself. However, any meaningful understanding of migration needs to
simultaneously analyse
agency and structure. Rather than applying dichotomous classifications
such as between forced
and voluntary migration, it is more appropriate to conceive of a
continuum running from low to
high constraints under which migration occurs, in which all migrants
deal with structural
constraints, although to highly varying degrees. Besides being an
integral part of human
development, mobility also tends to affect the same structural
processes of which it is part.
Simplistic positive-versus-negative debates on migration and
development can be overcome by
integrating agency-structure dialectics in the analysis of migration
impacts. This paper argues
that (i) the degree to which migrants are able to affect structural
change is real but limited; (ii)
the nature of change in sending and receiving is not pre-determined;
and (iii) that in order to
enable a more focused and rigorous debate, there is a need to better
distinguish and specify
different levels and dimensions at which the reciprocal relationship
between human mobility and
development can be analysed. A critical reading of the empirical
literature leads to the
conclusion that it would be naïve to think that despite their often
considerable benefits for
individuals and communities, migration and remittances alone can remove
more structural
development constraints. Despite their development potential, migrants
and remittances can
neither be blamed for a lack of development nor be expected to trigger
take-off development in
generally unattractive investment environments. By increasing
selectivity and suffering among
migrants, current immigration restrictions have a negative impact on
migrants’ wellbeing as well
as the poverty and inequality reducing potential of migration.
- Hanson,
Gordon H., The Governance of Migration Policy
In this paper, I examine
high-income country motives for restricting immigration. Abundant
evidence suggests that allowing labor to move from low-income to
high-income countries would
yield substantial gains in global income. Yet, most high-income
countries impose strict limits on
labor inflows and set their admission policies unilaterally. A core
principle underlying the
World Trade Organization is reciprocity in tariff setting. When it
comes to migration from poor
to rich countries, however, labor flows are rarely bidirectional,
making reciprocity moot and
leaving labor importers with all the bargaining power. One motivation
for barriers to labor
inflows is political pressure from groups that are hurt by immigration.
Raising immigration
would depend on creating mechanisms to transfer income from those that
immigration helps to
those that it hurts. Another motivation for immigration restrictions is
that labor inflows from
abroad may exacerbate distortions in an economy associated with
redistributive tax and transfer
policies. Making immigration more attractive would require creating
mechanisms that limit the
negative fiscal impacts of labor inflows on natives. Fiscal distortions
create an incentive for
receiving countries to screen immigrants according to their perceived
economic impact. For high
skilled immigrants, screening can be based on educational degrees and
professional credentials,
which are relatively easy to observe. For low skilled immigrants,
illegal immigration represents
an imperfect but increasingly common screening device. For policy
makers in labor-importing
nations, the modest benefits freer immigration brings may simply not be
worth the political
hassle. To induce high-income countries to lower border barriers, they
need to get more out of
the bargain.
- Facchini,
Giovanni and Anna Maria Mayda, The Political Economy of
Immigration Policy
We analyze a newly available
dataset of migration policy decisions reported by governments to
the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs between
1976 and 2007. We
find evidence indicating that most governments have policies aimed at
either maintaining the
status quo or at lowering the level of migration. We also document
variation in migration policy
over time and across countries of different regions and income levels.
Finally, we examine
patterns in various aspects of destination countries’ migration
policies (policies towards family
reunification, temporary vs. permanent migration, high-skilled
migration). This analysis leads us
to investigate the determinants of migration policy in a destination
country. We develop a
political economy framework in which voter attitudes represent a key
component. We survey the
literature on the determinants of public opinion towards immigrants and
examine the link
between these attitudes and governments’ policy decisions. While we
find evidence broadly
consistent with the median voter model, we conclude that this framework
is not sufficient to
understand actual migration policies. We discuss evidence which
suggests that interest-groups
dynamics may play a very important role.
- Bakewell,
Oliver, South-South Migration and Human Development: Reflections on
African Experiences
This paper looks at the
relationship between migration between developing countries – or
countries of the global ‘South’ – and processes of human development.
The paper offers a
critical analysis of the concept of South-South migration and draws
attention to four fundamental
problems. The paper then gives a broad overview of the changing
patterns of migration in
developing regions, with a particular focus on mobility within the
African continent. It outlines
some of the economic, social and political drivers of migration within
poor regions, noting that
these are also drivers of migration in the rest of the world. It also
highlights the role of the state
in influencing people’s movements and the outcomes of migration. The
paper highlights the
distinctive contribution that migration within developing regions makes
to human development
in terms of income, human capital and broader processes of social and
political change. The
paper concludes that the analysis of migration in poorer regions of the
world and its relationship
with human development requires much more data than is currently
available.
- Clemens,
Michael A., Skill Flow: A Fundamental Reconsideration of
Skilled-Worker Mobility and Development
Large numbers of doctors,
engineers, and other skilled workers from developing counties choose
to move to other countries. Do their choices threaten development? The
answer appears so
obvious that their movement is most commonly known by the pejorative
term “brain drain”. This
paper reconsiders the question starting from the most mainstream,
explicit definitions of
“development”. Under these definitions, it is only possible to advance
development by regulating
skilled workers’ choices if that regulation greatly expands the
substantive freedoms of others to
meet their basic needs and live the lives they wish. Much existing
evidence and some new
evidence suggests that regulating skilled-worker mobility itself does
nothing to address the
underlying causes of skilled migrants’ choices, generally brings few
benefits to others, and
instead brings diverse unintended harm. The paper concludes with
examples of effective ways
that developing countries can build a skill base for development
without regulating human
movement. The mental shift required to take these policies seriously
would be aided by dropping
the sententious term “brain drain” in favor of the neutral, accurate,
and concise term “skill flow”.
- Fang,
Cai, Du Yang, and Wang Meiyan, Migration and Labor
Mobility in China
China has witnessed the largest
labor migration since the reform and opening up policies were
implemented. According to the most recent statistics, the total number
of rural to urban migrant
workers reached 136 million. Migrants are defined as persons who have
left out of township for
more than 6 months. The migration flow has propelled the economic and
societal transition in
China through labor productivity enhancement and social restructuring.
Accordingly, the
Chinese government has improved the migration policies with increasing
migration flow and the
changes of labor market situations. This report is organized as
follows. Section one briefly
introduces when and how the migration started by reviewing the history,
size and trend, impacts
of migration in China and the vulnerability of migrants. Section two
reviews the main migration
policy changes in the past three decades. Section three illuminates the
Lewisian turning point that
marks economic development and transitioning in China. Section four
discusses the relevance of
China’s experiences to other developing economies in terms of economic
development and
migration policy changes.
- Gibney,
Matthew J., Precarious Residents : Migration Control,
Membership and the Rights of Non-Citizens
This paper examines the situation
of a subgroup of non-citizens found in virtually all
contemporary states, what I call “precarious residents”. Precarious
residents can be defined as
non-citizens living in the state that possess few social, political or
economic rights, are highly
vulnerable to deportation, and have little or no option for making
secure their immigration status.
The archetypal precarious resident is the undocumented (or unlawful)
migrant. However, there
are many other barely tolerated individuals who also fit the
appellation, such as asylum seekers
(including ones whose claims have been rejected), guest workers, and
individuals with temporary
protection from deportation. I begin this paper by exploring the nature
of precarious residence,
discussing its dimensions, causes and manifestations in different
national contexts. I move then
to consider the human development consequences of precarious residence
before exploring the
question of the responsibilities of states to protect the rights and,
in some cases, recognize the
membership claims of these non-citizens.
- Chappell, Laura and Alex Glennie, Maximising
the Development Outcomes of Migration: A Policy Perspective
It is becoming increasingly clear
that migration can have important impacts upon development.
As a result, policymakers are searching for ways to increase
migration’s developmental benefits,
and decrease its costs. This paper examines the levers at their
disposal. We recognise the
importance of the policy instruments which receive the most attention –
migration policy
(especially rules about entry and exit) and development policy (in
particular migration’s place in
national development strategies and donor cooperation policies).
However, we suggest that to
maximise benefits and minimise costs, policy thinking must be broadened
and made more
coherent. We set out in a systematic manner the ways in which migration
impacts upon
development. We then analyse how the process of migration and
development creates those
impacts, and suggest where policy can intervene in the process to
improve outcomes. We
illustrate our analysis with a number of policy case studies.
- Massey, Douglas, and Magaly Sánchez R, Restrictive
Immigration Policies and Latino Immigrant Identity in the United States
The United States is presently
characterized by rising anti-immigrant sentiment, repressive
immigration enforcement, and the negative framing of Latinos as
threatening and undesirable.
As a result, social boundaries between immigrants and natives have
hardened and boundary
crossing has become more difficult. Under these circumstances, the
prediction of classical
assimilation theory is turned on its head: the more time that
immigrants spend in the United
States and the more contact they have with Americans and American
society, the more aware
they become of the harsh realities of prejudice and discrimination and
the more they come to
experience the rampant inequalities of the secondary labor market.
Rather than ideologically
assimilating, therefore, the greater their experience in the United
States, the more likely
immigrants are to express a reactive ethnicity that rejects the label
“American.” Our work
suggests that the greatest threat to the successful assimilation of
immigrants comes not from
foreign involvements or transnational loyalties, but from the
rejection, exclusion, and
discrimination that immigrants experience in the United States.
- Luthria, Manjula, "The Importance of
Migration to Small Fragile Economies
Most small fragile states have
their own unique circumstances that predispose them to social
conflict or frequent economic disruptions. These disruptions end up
imposing a large cost on
regional neighbours and on the international community more broadly.
Therefore the
development community is in search of ways to reduce the risk of
conflict but this search has
proved elusive thus far.
This paper explores the potential for migration to serve as a safety
valve as well as a medium
term strategy for employment creation in conflict-prone states. It
draws together the analytical
and empirical arguments needed to make the case for enhancing the
labour mobility options for
these vulnerable populations.
|
|
|
